Voter Dissent
Why I
Won't Vote
By
W.E.B. Dubois, The Nation, 20 October 1956
On October 20, 1956, W. E.
B. Du Bois delivers this eloquent indictment of US politics while explaining to
Nation readers why he won't vote in the upcoming Presidential election. Du Bois
condemns both Democrats and Republicans for their indifferent positions on the
influence of corporate wealth, racial inequality, arms proliferation and
unaffordable health care.
Since I was twenty-one in
1889, I have in theory followed the voting plan strongly advocated by Sidney
Lens in The Nation of August 4, i.e., voting for a third party even when its
chances were hopeless, if the main parties were unsatisfactory; or, in absence
of a third choice, voting for the lesser of two evils. My action, however, had
to be limited by the candidates' attitude toward Negroes. Of my adult life, I
have spent twenty-three years living and teaching in the South, where my voting
choice was not asked. I was disfranchised by law or administration. In the
North I lived in all thirty-two years, covering eight Presidential elections.
In 1912 I wanted to support Theodore Roosevelt, but his Bull Moose convention
dodged the Negro problem and I tried to help elect Wilson as a liberal
Southerner. Under Wilson came the worst attempt at Jim Crow legislation and
discrimination in civil service that we had experienced since the Civil War. In
1916 I took Hughes as the lesser of two evils. He promised Negroes nothing and
kept his word. In 1920, I supported Harding because of his promise to liberate
Haiti. In 1924, I voted for La Follette, although I knew he could not be
elected. In 1928, Negroes faced absolute dilemma. Neither Hoover nor Smith
wanted the Negro vote and both publicly insulted us. I voted for Norman Thomas
and the Socialists, although the Socialists had attempted to Jim Crow Negro
members in the South. In 1932 I voted for Franklin Roosevelt, since Hoover was
unthinkable and Roosevelt's attitude toward workers most realistic. I was again
in the South from 1934 until 1944. Technically I could vote, but the election
in which I could vote was a farce. The real election was the White Primary.
Retired "for
age" in 1944, I returned to the North and found a party to my liking. In
1948, I voted the Progressive ticket for Henry Wallace and in 1952 for Vincent
Hallinan.
In 1956, I shall not go to
the polls. I have not registered. I believe that democracy has so far
disappeared in the United States that no "two evils" exist. There is
but one evil party with two names, and it will be elected despite all I can do
or say. There is no third party. On the Presidential ballot in a few states
(seventeen in 1952), a "Socialist" Party will appear. Few will hear
its appeal because it will have almost no opportunity to take part in the
campaign and explain its platform. If a voter organizes or advocates a real
third-party movement, he may be accused of seeking to overthrow this government
by "force and violence." Anything he advocates by way of significant
reform will be called "Communist" and will of necessity be Communist
in the sense that it must advocate such things as government ownership of the
means of production; government in business; the limitation of private profit;
social medicine, government housing and federal aid to education; the total
abolition of race bias; and the welfare state. These things are on every
Communist program; these things are the aim of socialism. Any American who
advocates them today, no matter how sincerely, stands in danger of losing his
job, surrendering his social status and perhaps landing in jail. The witnesses
against him may be liars or insane or criminals. These witnesses need give no
proof for their charges and may not even be known or appear in person. They may
be in the pay of the United States Government. A.D.A.'s and "Liberals"
are not third parties; they seek to act as tails to kites. But since the kites
are self-propelled and radar-controlled, tails are quite superfluous and rather
silly.
The present Administration
is carrying on the greatest preparation for war in the history of mankind.
Stevenson promises to maintain or increase this effort. The weight of our
taxation is unbearable and rests mainly and deliberately on the poor. This Administration
is dominated and directed by wealth and for the accumulation of wealth. It runs
smoothly like a well-organized industry and should do so because industry runs
it for the benefit of industry. Corporate wealth profits as never before in
history. We turn over the national resources to private profit and have few
funds left for education, health or housing. Our crime, especially juvenile
crime, is increasing. Its increase is perfectly logical; for a generation we
have been teaching our youth to kill, destroy, steal and rape in war; what can
we expect in peace? We let men take wealth which is not theirs; if the seizure
is "legal" we call it high profits and the profiteers help decide
what is legal. If the theft is "illegal" the thief can fight it out
in court, with excellent chances to win if he receives the accolade of the
right newspapers. Gambling in home, church and on the stock market is
increasing and all prices are rising. It costs three times his salary to elect
a Senator and many millions to elect a President. This money comes from the
very corporations which today are the government. This in a real democracy
would be enough to turn the party responsible out of power. Yet this we cannot
do.
The "other"
party has surrendered all party differences in foreign affairs, and foreign
affairs are our most important affairs today and take most of our taxes. Even
in domestic affairs how does Stevenson differ from Eisenhower? He uses better English
than Dulles, thank God! He has a sly humor, where Eisenhower has none. Beyond
this Stevenson stands on the race question in the South not far from where his
godfather Adlai stood sixty-three years ago, which reconciles him to the South.
He has no clear policy on war or preparation for war; on water and flood
control; on reduction of taxation; on the welfare state. He wavers on civil
rights and his party blocked civil rights in the Senate until Douglas of
Illinois admitted that the Democratic Senate would and could stop even the
right of Senators to vote. Douglas had a right to complain. Three million
voters sent him to the Senate to speak for them. His voice was drowned and his
vote nullified by Eastland, the chairman of the Senate Judiciary Committee, who
was elected by 151,000 voters. This is the democracy in the United States which
we peddle abroad.
Negroes hope to muster
400,000 votes in 1956. Where will they cast them? What have the Republicans
done to enforce the education decision of the Supreme Court? What they
advertised as fair employment was exactly nothing, and Nixon was just the man
to explain it. What has the Administration done to rescue Negro workers, the
most impoverished group in the nation, half of whom receive less than half the
median wage of the nation, while the nation sends billions abroad to protect
oil investments and help employ slave labor in the Union of South Africa and
the Rhodesias? Very well, and will the party of Talmadge, Eastland and Ellender
do better than the Republicans if the Negroes return them to office?
I have no advice for
others in this election. Are you voting Democratic? Well and good; all I ask is
why? Are you voting for Eisenhower and his smooth team of bright ghost writers?
Again, why? Will your helpless vote either way support or restore democracy to
America?
Is the refusal to vote in
this phony election a counsel of despair? No, it is dogged hope. It is hope
that if twenty-five million voters refrain from voting in 1956 because of their
own accord and not because of a sly wink from Khrushchev, this might make the
American people ask how much longer this dumb farce can proceed without even a
whimper of protest. Yet if we protest, off the nation goes to Russia and China.
Fifty-five American ministers and philanthropists are asking the Soviet Union
"to face manfully the doubts and promptings of their conscience." Can
not these do-gooders face their own consciences? Can they not see that American
culture is rotting away: our honesty, our human sympathy; our literature, save
what we import from abroad? Our only "review" of literature has
wisely dropped "literature" from its name. Our manners are gone and
the one thing we want is to be rich--to show off. Success is measured by
income. University education is for income, not culture, and is partially
supported by private industry. We are not training poets or musicians, but
atomic engineers. Business is built on successful lying called advertising. We
want money in vast amount, no matter how we get it. So we have it, and what
then?
Is the answer the election
of 1956? We can make a sick man President and set him to a job which would
strain a man in robust health. So he dies, and what do we get to lead us? With
Stevenson and Nixon, with Eisenhower and Eastland, we remain in the same mess.
I will be no party to it and that will make little difference. You will take
large part and bravely march to the polls, and that also will make no
difference. Stop running Russia and giving Chinese advice when we cannot rule
ourselves decently. Stop yelling about a democracy we do not have. Democracy is
dead in the United States. Yet there is still nothing to replace real
democracy. Drop the chains, then, that bind our brains. Drive the
money-changers from the seats of the Cabinet and the halls of Congress. Call
back some faint spirit of Jefferson and Lincoln,and when again we can hold a
fair election on real issues, let's vote, and not till then. Is this
impossible? Then democracy in America is impossible.
Comments