The Real Americans
White Nationalists assert that white people are a unique race, and as such, seek to maintain their white identity within a majoritarian white nation. But the demographics of this dominance are changing rapidly. The white nationalist agenda, specifically in the United States, is to support the dominance of white culture and ensure the rights of “besieged” white people.
The assimilation and
potential dominance of minorities into white society is thus perceived to be a
threat to the survival of the white race, white mythology and its cultural
heritage. This holds true for the United Kingdom, France, Germany, Italy,
Hungary, Bulgaria, Russia and most white dominated countries. White nationalists,
whether in the United States or around the world, believe they have become a
minority group as non-whites and non-western people assimilate within these
countries.
Minorities and anti-racists
point to “white privilege” as an enduring vestige of white hegemony in the
United States. White privilege refers to the historical advantages white people
have over people of color. Jesse Myerson in “White Anti-Racism Must Be Based in
Solidarity, Not Altruism,” The Nation, February 5, 2018, argues in
support of political scientist David Kaib’s argument that there are “two faces
of privilege.” One face is composed of a higher quality of life, education,
employment, living wage jobs, homeownership, retirement benefits, healthcare,
etc. The second face is the societal privilege to dominate narratives, initiate
dialogue and discussions, and monopolize control of public spaces. Though they
are referred to as privileges, Kaib asserts that “privileges” should be defined
as “rights.” In Critical Race Theory, 2017 edition, Richard Delgado and
Jean Stefancic, argue that the compounding impact of marginalization felt by
whites, as the once dominant ethnic identity in the United States, further
compounds resentment by whites toward minorities in the attempt to remediate
racism. Yet Delgado and Stefancic argue that the white claim of reverse
discrimination is hollow since the greater task is reversing discrimination.
Suffice it to say, white
people have more access to these two privileges than non-whites. White people
are more likely to find themselves in managerial positions with institutional
power over non-whites. Still this is a far cry from the power to influence
national and international government and institutions as noted by Critical
Race Theorist, Derrick Bell, as argued in And We Are Not Saved: The Elusive
Quest for Racial Justice, 1987. White privilege, Bell argues, maintains a
social, political, and economic advantage over people of color, and in doing
so, pits white people against people of color, specifically African Americans.
The privileges that come from membership in “dominant” white groups, is
prioritized by whites in order to maintain their very privilege. The dominance,
according to Bell, can be reinforced by anti-racists who, in realizing their
privilege, prefer not to be active in anti-racist resistance since their
privileged position in society might be undermined. White people can also
become hypersensitive to accusations of white racism. The fear is that they
might be “outed” for racist attitudes as Robin Di Angelo argues in White
Fragility: Why It’s So Hard for White People to Talk about Racism, 2018.
Sith Lords
Bell further argues that white privilege has undermined the democratic gains made by
people of color. Since 1865, with the passage of the Thirteenth Amendment,
African Americans have made little progress towards full democratic
participation. For example, at the end of the Civil War and Reconstruction Era,
the “Black Codes” were “legally” implemented to prevent people of color from
owning property or “Codes” to intimidate and even use to put freed slaves in
jail or prison for petty statutory violations. The establishment of Jim Crow
laws clearly violated Reconstruction Era Civil Rights legislation as in Plessy
v. Ferguson (1896). The Supreme Court’s landmark decision overruling
Plessy in Brown v. Board of Education (1954), resisted racial
integration by southern states to which President Eisenhower responded with the
use of federal troops.
The Civil Rights
Act of 1964 and Voting Rights Act of 1965 prompted states and local
governments, predominantly Southern, to intimidate and obstruct African
Americans from voting. The Southern Strategy, orchestrated by Kevin Phillips
and Richard Nixon intended to create “dog whistle” racist slogans to turn
whites (Dixiecrats) away from supporting civil rights and turning to regressive
public policy supported by conservatives. The War on Drugs initiated by Bill
Clinton and Joe Biden, disenfranchised millions of African American men through
“broken windows policing,” “racial profiling,” “stop and frisk” police tactics,
and “three strikes” legislation. All of this leading to a racist redux as described
in recent scholarship by Michelle Alexander in The New Jim Crow, 2012,
and J. Michael Higginbotham in Ghosts of Jim Crow, 2015. All of
these factors constitute a social, political and economic advantage in favor of
white people, according to Alexander and Higginbotham. It reinforces a form of
institutional and systemic racism which Critical Race Theorists describe as
“white privilege.”
White
nationalists reject the white privilege, systemic racist argument promulgated
by Critical Race Theorists. Instead, they see themselves as the new “oppressed”
minority who refer to themselves as the “Alt-Right” (alternative right). It has
become a catchall phrase for a loose group of extreme right individuals and
organizations who promote white nationalism which include white supremacists
such as Nazis, the Ku Klux Klan. The Alt-Right, also describe themselves in
terms of “white power” and “white pride.” They seek a resurgence or revolution
in promoting the unique identity of the European heritage of white Americans.
Its “soldiers,” as some describe themselves, are not lone wolves but highly
organized cadres motivated by a coherent and deeply troubling worldview made up
of white separatism, supremacy, virulent anticommunism, and Christian
apocalyptic faith.
In Bring the War Home:
The White Power Movement and Paramilitary America, 2018, Kathleen Belew
provides a history of the alt-right movement during the 1970s and 1980s that
consolidated around a potent sense of betrayal of American world domination
only to be forced to “retreat,” specifically from the Vietnam War, a war they
felt they were not allowed to win. According to Belew, white nationalists and
the Alt-Right blame “government” for America’s retreat as a world power and as
a result, anti-government citizen groups and militia emerged. American
government was to blame and a militant resistance to government resulted. In
their mind’s, the white nationalists and Alt-Right, viewed government as an
enemy. The Waco and Ruby Ridge incidents then galvanized white nationalists and
the Alt-Right into acts of terrorism, such as Timothy McVey and the bombing in
Oklahoma City, the Alfred P. Murrah building in 1995.
Twenty years later, with the
presidential campaign of Donald Trump, a resurgence in anti-government resentment
was emboldened. The Make America Great Again (MAGA) movement unified white
nationalists and the Alt-Right, along with various conservative elements
including militant groups, like Klansmen, neo-Nazis, skinheads, radical tax
protestors, veterans, and white separatists. They even formed a new movement of
loosely affiliated independent cells to avoid detection. The white power and
white pride movement operated with discipline and clarity, undertaking
assassinations, armed robbery, counterfeiting, and weapons trafficking. Its
command structure gave women a prominent place and put them in charge of
brokering alliances and birthing future recruits. Belew’s disturbing account
concludes that for the white nationalists and Alt-Right, their grievances intensified
over the years and eventually led to violence as a logical course of
action.
Former US Navy intelligence
officer, Malcolm Nance, argues that the Alt-Right, in The Plot to Destroy
Democracy, 2018, and the Plot to Betray America, 2019, has become an
integral part of the far-right agenda. Many of the Alt-Right conclude,
nonetheless, that waging war on their own country, the United States, is
justified. At the core of this unfolding is, what historian Carol Anderson
describes as, “white rage” in White Rage: The Unspoken Truth of Our Racial
Divide, 2017. She argues that "white rage” fuels the violence but that
the that the media and public at large ignore the “kindling” which stoked the
flames of this rage. What fuels white unrest is a white backlash of resentment,
anger, and even rage that African Americans and other minorities are being
“privileged” over whites. Thus, the tolerance of hyper policing and directed
brutality at blacks.
Klan Evangelists
Narrow cherry-picked
passages by Christian fundamentalists use interpretations of Hebrew and
Christian scriptures that support racist beliefs. White nationalists tend to
believe that a “conspiracy” against whites is being promoted as part of an
attempted white genocide. They usually base their evidence for this on a
partisan activist government implementing public policies on behalf of
minorities, and the declining birth rate among whites and the increasing birth
rate among minorities and immigrants. Their white culture and traditions are
dying. In response the white nationalists scapegoat minorities, progressive
legislation, and if necessary, violence to protect themselves from extinction.
This also carries over to an
oppressor/oppressed binary which offers no incentives for white people to live
differently. In this binary, white people can only fall on the side of the
oppressor and the inherent privileges that accompany whiteness. This model
erases the history of white people engaged in personal, interpersonal,
cultural, and systemic work to promote racial, social and economic justice.
There is no recognized, historical alternative to toxic whiteness in this
binary despite there actually being a history of anti-racist white people
struggling to create an alternative white identity. This false narrative of
white only racism needs revision, e.g., John Brown, the Abolitionists, Rev.
William Sloan Coffin, etc.
Today, Tea Party Patriots,
white supremacists, white nationalists, the alt-right and conservative
Republicans proclaim the same MAGA. Only this time the invocation conveys a
heightened urgency and vitriol. They fear the growth of multiculturalism,
modernism and progressivism in which their country, the white majority, is
becoming a minority. Their world is slipping away, quickly, their WASP hegemony
threatened. They adhere to a white supremacist Christianity in which Jesus is
the king and savior of America, the country to which Second Coming of Jesus
will play an integral part with Israel, though the supremacists are
anti-Semitic and “unsaved” since Jews do not believe in Christian salvation.
Nonetheless, Old Testament imagery of war, form the conquests of Joshua to the
soldier King David are likened to Trump who is God’s instrument of salvation.
The result is an
ultranationalist militarist adherence to the absolute nature of the state and
its charismatic leader Trump. An authoritarian apocalyptic religious faith
solidifies the fascist state. The liberal state – administrative welfare state
– is despise since it regulates and undermines personal “liberty.” On the other
hand, forcing citizens to comply with their right-wing agenda is, in their
mind, patriotism. Comparisons are made between Trump and Cyrus the Great, a
pagan Babylonian king who freed the Jews from captivity to reclaim Israel.
Point being that God can carry out her/his will in the “unchurched” like Trump,
in the same way that God can work through pagan kings like Cyrus the Great to
free Israel from captivity and bondage. Cyrus,
as their argument goes, is the archetype of the ironic “vessel” (vessel
theology) in which God carries out her/his plan of salvation, despite the
superficial inconsistencies.
For conservative Catholics,
since Trump is advantageously against abortion, anything he does on a personal
level or supports as public policy, even contrary to Catholic teaching, can be
justified to a degree. Understood as ethical triumphalism, Catholic ethics
calls for its faith community to form their consciences on Church teachings. This
generally understood as the “continuum of life” ethics in which no one single
overarching issue should take priority over others, unless one’s conscience
directs them in good faith otherwise. Nevertheless, for American Catholic
bishops, the hope is that with three Supreme Court picks, Trump will be able to
overturn abortion. For the American bishops, there is no other compelling
issue, not even climate extinction and the renewed threat by the pentagon of
thermonuclear war.
And for other conservative religious
these appointments would mean a complete list of conservative and libertarian
public policies that the Right have been dreaming of for the last forty years.
This clearly includes the assaults on voting rights with the recent July
decision which adversely affects minorities. In all, the vessel theology for
conservative Christians appears to be a scriptural form of money laundering
while conservative Catholic antiabortion triumphalism appears to be a
gaslighting technique, intended as a diversion from other highly import ethical
concerns. In their support of Trump both conservative Christians and Catholics
tend to agree on vessel theology and the ethical primacy against abortion. It
would appear that the continuum of life issues such as – the Church’s
preferential option for the poor, the avoidance of environmental extinction,
the end to endless wars and global economic domination of the world advocated
by
Ending Class Conflict
Most
disturbing is the fictional account of the Antifascists (Antifa) and Black
Lives Matter (BLM) as violent leftist terrorist groups. Nothing could be
farther from the truth. In an internal memorandum, FBI Director Christopher
Wray, found no evidence of Antifa’s or BLM’s involvement in national unrest,
specifically with the George Floyd protests and riots as falsely reported by The
Nation, June 2, 2020. The Washington Field Office memo states that “no
intelligence indicating Antifa involvement” was initiated during the protests,
as erroneously stated from Trump, Attorney General Barr, and various right-wing
news outlets such as FOX News. On June 12, 2020, the New York Times in “Federal
Arrests Show No Sign That Antifa Plotted Protests,” cleared Antifa and on June
22, 2020, the New York Times, “41 Cities, Many Sources: How False Antifa Rumors
Spread Locally,” described how propaganda against Antifa was spread through the
media community, most likely form conservative politicians and political action
committees. The attempt was to falsely blame the
uprising on orchestrated groups such as Antifa or BLM, according to Glenn
Kirschner, former FBI, counterintelligence. Blaming a “left-wing” group was a
ruse created to gaslight the public and divert attention from the “right-wing”
police tactics condoned by the Trump administration.
Cedric Robinson
argues in the 2020 edition of Black Marxism: The Making of the Black Radical
Tradition, that wealth disparity, as a result of the capitalist economic
system, coupled with corrective measures by way of Affirmative Action and
welfare policies, makes upward movement into a more equitable economic and
social class all the more difficult. This is not only true for blacks, but for
whites as well. And this “class struggle” is one that elicits fear most in
elites in that if the poor organize, not around color but on social class, the
class consciousness of such a coalition would force the elite to share
resources and wealth at their expense. Robinson sees this merging as one of the
most important strategies in combatting the power elite’s dominance and the
constant focus on identity politics as the problem. The deeper issue is the
class divide and impoverishment that should unite whites and other minorities
in the struggle for justice.
Do Democrats have the courage and integrity to
fight fascism? The answer to this question is only if they can clearly stand
for antifascist policies and separate their liberal welfare state policies.
This must be compared to the Republican’s continued effort to eliminate the
liberal welfare state. Social science research, conducted by the Lake Research
Partners, “Focus Group Findings on 2020 and 2022 Elections for Congress,” May
27, 2021, reveals that, as of the present moment, the Democratic Party has not
provided distinct policy positions in opposition to the Republicans. Clearly,
their moderate-centrist positions have not helped them. One might conclude that
if the Democrats do not fix this problem, then the Democrats could very well
loose the House and Senate in 2022. The outcome would be the institutionalization
of Republican fascism in the United States as described thirty years
ago in Russ Bellant’s, Old
Nazis, the New Right, and the Republican Party: Domestic Fascist Networks and
Their Effects on US Cold War Politics, 1991.
Meanwhile white nationalism
can also be understood in terms of US hegemony and the National Security State.
William Krystal and his Project for a New American Century (PNAC), the elevated
status of the military industrial complex, the development of a Space Force,
unfettered neoliberal capitalism, increased poverty in the midst of exponential
wealth, elite control of government, the threat to democratic freedoms through
the new surveillance state, threats to civil liberties in the Patriot Act and
the National Defense Authorization Act, attempted in Venezuela, illegal and
harmful economic sanctions placed on Venezuela, racial and class disparities in
the criminal justice system, police lawlessness and brutality, economic
devastation in all levels of education, neglect of infrastructure development
in inner cities, lack of affordable housing and universal health care, capital
punishment as justice, nuclear war and the proliferation and the targeting of
innocent civilians, nuclear war and the total destruction of the planet, and
the corruption of the two major political parties, Israel’s oppression of
Palestinians – are prioritized as a secondary consideration in the formation of
conscience on ethical issues. See Families
and Faith: How Religion Is Passed Down Across Generations, Vern Bingston,
2013.
Ed Martin
Tubac, Arizona
Long Beach, California
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